SCHOLAR: BOOK REVIEW Incarcerating the Crisis: Freedom Struggles and the Rise

The book, Incarcerating the Crisis:  Freedom Struggles and the Rise of the Neoliberal State by Jordan T. Camp, is a book that depicts the struggles of the diverse communities in the USA.  It looks at the matters of incarceration from a critical perspective of race.  The book points out very revealing information as to the priorities of governments and how people have generally pushed back against them.  The struggle of the racial minority is well documented in this novel and serves as a guide by which collective memory can stifle the government agenda of the neoliberal state. 

An issue of contention in the book talks about Marquette Frye who was stopped by Highway Patrol.  His assault lead to an, “ignited fury [of] black working class [people]” (Camp 2016, page 22).  This demonstration was a result of blacks against police violence.  It gained so much attention that Martin Luther King Jr.  was compelled to visit LA where he denounced that the rebellion, “was a class revolt of under privileged against privileged” (Camp 2016, page 22).  This class anger was directly in opposition to capitalism.  These rebellions lead people to think of ways in which America can mobilize towards democratic socialism which supports working class people.  King was a major factor in building, “[alliances] between civil rights and labour movements to confront the crisis politically” (Camp 2016, page 22).  His message was conveyed, and it resonated with the poor black working class.  He focused on racism, urban poverty, unemployment and police violence as they seem to be interconnected.  

During the Cold War, incarceration rates expanded.  Blacks were the, “last hired, first fired and also increasingly subject to surveillance, arrest and incarceration” (Camp 2016, page 23).  This is were the connection between racism, militarism and poverty became the subject of class relations.  According to Tater manifestations of racism include, “biased attitudes and practices” (2010, page 132).  In this specific case, people were biased towards not hiring blacks and this in turn caused poverty which then they were left to do crime thus increasing the incarceration rate.   This is also an example of racial profiling and according to Perry it can be defined as “significant racial differences in police stop and search practices; significant racial differences in Customs search and interrogation practices; and particular undercover or sting operations that target specific racial/ ethnic communities” (Perry 2011, page 135).  The Second Reconstruction is a black freedom struggle in the mid twentieth century just before the Cold War took place.  As opposed to the First Reconstruction which occurred in 1868 – 1876 and was about interracial working-class where blacks won freedom through a general strike, the Second Reconstruction focused on racist policy.  Through these Reconstructions, the government, “opened the ballot to poor whites, who had been denied rights due to their lack of access to property.  It abolished the whipping post, the stocks, and other forms of barbaric punishment” (Camp 2016, page 24).  This change transformed racial contradiction to class confrontation. 

 During the time before the Great Depression, the black freedom movement and activists created alliances which challenged the status quo which was Jim Crow’s social control or police state, capital and the state regime of capitalism.  These alliances that were forged created mobilization which gave, “five hundred thousand black workers …  access to unionized industrial jobs” (Camp 2016, page 25).  This was a major step forward in ascertaining equality for all.  Although it was a major step, there was a lot of work yet to be done.  There was the issue of police violence experienced by African Americans.  What the book says about police violence and blacks is therefore consistent with the readings which specify that police officers are biased against blacks.  Also, “highly publicized American cases of police violence against black people reinforce [that specific] perception” (Perry 2011, page137).  The Civil Rights Congress gathered activists and organized social protest which addressed racism in housing, employment and police brutality.  They argued that “there was a direct link between racism, unemployment, police repression, and postwar capitalist development” (Camp 2016, page 28).  As discussed in the reading, Space of Africville, blacks were segregated to a specific part of the city referred to as the slum.  According to Nelson the slum is defined as, “filthy, foul smelling, wretched, rancorous, uncultivated and lacking care” (Nelson 2009, page 217).   Their residence in this specific part of town caused them to innovate for example to refurbish items from the dump or commit crime.  Through the innovation, they survived with considerably less than their white counterparts.  CRC efforts to end police brutality, racist violence segregation and civil human rights violations ended with the institution being singled out by the state.  The Second Reconstructions battle with Jim Crow weas somewhat successful as the passage of Civil Rights Act and Voting Rights Act gave not only blacks but other races more rights.  Their movement inspired other races to follow.  This struggle is what forms part of the collective memory which empowers people to fight against repression.  Through this movement people are given the ability to actively pursue human rights.  

The book talks about how Detroit was the epicenter of Black freedom, radical labour and student movements in the 1960’s.  This was because the auto industry located their headquarters in the city.  The move to follow Fords lead in the innovation of work was met with massive resistance.  “Fordisim was inaugurated with Ford’s introduction to the five dollar, eight hour day for workers” (Camp 2016, page 48).  The auto companies’ wealth was dependent on the surplus value extracted from workers.  This city is a very powerful example of class struggle.  The developments in Detroit continued the neoliberal capitalist agenda.  Further, “discriminatory practices of banks and real estate brokers,” (Camp 2016, page 50) such as racial segregation came to light and caused many blacks to rebel.  In comparing the events of Africville, it similarly really shows in light how institutionalized racism is executed.  As mentioned, the blacks were segregated to a specific slum part of town.  Although the blacks attempted to improve this part of town by their applications for proper sanitation or sewage and water, they were evidently denied by the city at which point Africville became more impoverished (Nelson 2009) as the rest of the city developed under the principles of capitalism. This institutionalized discrimination against the blacks perpetually created poverty amongst them.  With relation to Detroit, blacks once again were the last hired and first fired.    They protested vigorously especially against speed ups where each black person was required to do the work of three white men.  The Detroit rebellion began as a result of police harassment of Black soldiers returning from the Vietnam war.  The demonstrations created a rampage of crime, violence and chaos.  This rebellion is known as, riots waged by, “Negros in Detroit” (Camp 2016, page 52).  It was later determined via the Moynihan Report that, “the culture of poverty … generates a system of ruthless exploitative relationships within the ghetto” (Camp 2016, page 58).  This could be a reason as to why blacks are approached with such force by the police.   Furthermore, “black people are highly over-represented in police use of force cases” (Perry 2011, page 138).  This also explains why many people that are arrested become hostile and belligerent towards authority.  This belligerence can also be seen in demonstrations.  

The author talks about Attica state penitentiary where in September 09, 1971 more than 12 hundred prisoners seized control of the facility.  This resulted in authorities raiding the demonstration.  Once taken back prisoners were treated with little dignity.  They were shot, tortured and denied medical care (Camp 2016, page 71).  This incident resulted in numerous prison rebellions around the USA and each time state officials deployed force.  Prisoners started to teach political ideology to themselves.  They read, “Marx, Lenin, Trotsky, Malcom X, Du Bois and etc.” (Camp 2016, page 78) amongst others.  This assisted blacks to have rather than a criminal mentality but a revolutionary mentality.  The state attempted to maintain social control by increasing force.  The prisoners rioted demanding they be treated like human beings.  Immediately after the Attica uprising, the state allocated $4 million to enhance security in the facility by hiring more guards, new gas masks, metal detectors, and the search for a new site for, “maxi maxi” security prison.  In a little more than a decade after the event, the prison population, “increased from about 200,000 to 420,000” (Camp 2016, page 83) in the 1960’s.  Half were black.  These rebellions served as a method for the state to justify violence.  Another prison of interest is the Marion federal penitentiary.  These prisoners, “experienced sensory deprovision, consumed their food alone in cells, and were denied access to educational, religious, or work programs” (Camp 2016, page 86).  These methods of repression served as a means for social control.  The treatment the prisoners received included being, “beaten, transported in leg irons, and kicked and clubbed while handcuffed and nude” (Camp 2016, page 89).  This certainly constitutes cruel and unusual treatment.  These tortures and human rights violations were justified by the state because of the aggressive nature of the prisoners.  Connections between racism, prisons and militarization can be seen as the very culture of poverty houses cruel behavior and the population in the prisons were at least 50% black.  With the readings in mind, it becomes evident that blacks are unfairly handled by authorities as “27% of all deaths caused by police use of force and 34.5% of all deaths caused by police shootings [in Ontario]” (Perry 2011, page 138).    Bringing together the contents of the Camps book and the readings gives a clear picture of the criminalization of the black community.  Authorities respond with increasing violence to maintain social control.  

Lastly the book discusses the devastation of hurricane Katrina.  This natural phenomenon caused the state to respond with war zone tactics.   The focus of the police became security and law rather than human rights.  Through this focus the government chose the discourse of neoliberalism.  Neoliberalism can be defined as, “a political and economic ideology linked to the main tenants of capitalism, the rule of the market place, globalization, corporate deregulation and freedom of trade” (Tater 2010, page 16).  This racist ideology was implemented to protect the business class and the blacks and poor survivors were being blamed for looting.  The institutional racism didn’t stop there but also extended far after the event as blacks were denied loans.  Moreover, prisoners in the Orleans Parish Prison were abandoned.  They went without food or water for days.  The Katrina disaster incited moral panics.  Critics of the event question the criminalization of black working class survivors.  They decry the exaggerated, “scripts of violence, looting and crime” (Camp 2016, page 118).  The Black and poor were helpless as these survivors were denied assistance by the Federal Emergency Management Agency who focused on security management.  “Instead of determining how to best meet the basic survival needs of communities most affected by the storm, a power struggle emerged between federal politicians and those at the state level” (Camp 2016, page 121).  These struggles were related to power which superseded the rescue efforts.  The government was concerned of anarchy and thus chose to address security and law.  Temporary jail’s were set up for domestic crimes such as looting.  The city was also denied federal funds.  Once the event was stabilized by the government, policy makers than began to reconstruct the city.  Blacks neighborhoods were severely impacted as they were declined loans in an attempt to redline their neighborhoods.  Black workers became excluded from jobs that the reconstruction demanded.     

                This book was extremely enlightening.  It showed the black struggle against institutionalized racism.  The book is a good depiction of the collective memory that fuels black demonstrations.  With all this in mind, I can give the book a review score of 3.5 of 5.   

 

REFERENCES

Henry, Francis and Carol Tator. (2010). The Colour of Democracy: Racism In Canadian Society 2009 4th Edition. Toronto: Nelson Thomson.

Jordan T.  Camp.  (2016).   Incarcerating the Crisis:  Freedom Struggles and the Rise.  California:  University of California Press.

Nelson Jenifer.  (2009).  Razing Africville:  A Geography of Racism  Toronto.  University of Toronto Press.. 

Perry, Barbara (Ed.) (2011). Diversity, Crime, and Justice in Canada. Don Mills, Ontario: Oxford University Press.